The Foreign Policy Association and Zogby International teamed up to take a closer look at American public attitudes towards foreign policy in September of 2003.
Executive Summary
Zogby International asked American voters to offer their opinions on a wide range of issues concerning the role of the U.S. in the world. The results consistently show that Americans prefer engaging the world in cooperative multilateral diplomacy rather than with blunt, unilateral force. This and other key results follow.
A Conflicted View of America's Role in the World
Americans are conflicted in how they view their nation's current role in world affairs. Americans widely accept descriptions of their country as a benevolent, multilateral force in the world. Yet, majorities also view America as a unilateralist power whose pursuit of self-interest too often contradicts democracy and human rights.
Among several statements tested, those that characterize America as a benevolent force in world affairs are widely viewed as accurate, especially the idea that America is a “good friend and ally of people who desire freedom and individual human rights” (65% very accurate; 28% somewhat accurate). However, Americans also widely accept the notion that America is an imperialist power that acts on its own, regardless of world opinion (59% very/ somewhat accurate; 40% not accurate).
A Strong Preference for Multilateralism
In several places in this research, Americans express considerable preference for multilateralism and international cooperation to unilateralist foreign policy. In choosing between broad descriptions of multilateralism and unilateralism, two-thirds of Americans choose multilateral policy versus three in ten who favor unilateral policy.
When considering the two most publicized and potentially dangerous global issues– the prospect of nuclear weapons development in North Korea (68%) and securing the peace in Iraq (67%) – Americans are three times more likely to say the U.S. should confront these issues with the United Nations rather than alone.
Three in five Americans say the United Nations is needed now more than ever in world affairs, while 34% say the world body is less relevant and less influential today in global matters.
Americans Favor Participation in International Treaties
Americans are much more likely to consider U.S. participation in international treaties to be important rather than unimportant. The highest levels of importance are assigned to treaties that deal with the regulation of nuclear weapons, while lower levels of importance are assigned to treaties that deal with environmental issues.
At least seven in ten Americans assign high importance to four of seven treaties tested (three of which deal with the regulation of nuclear weapons), including:
·The Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
·The Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty
·Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty
·Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)
Elsewhere, Americans are at least twice as likely to agree as to disagree that the United States should participate in the International Criminal Court (53%-22%) and in the Kyoto Protocol (44%-22%).
However, margins of support for international treaties soften considerably when Americans learn more about them.
Given more information, Americans are more likely to say the United States should not participate in the Kyoto Protocol (48%) than to say we should participate (41%). Support for the International Criminal Court Treaty (48%) still remains higher than the opposition (38%) after hearing arguments for and against the treaty.
Evaluating International Relationships
Americans most often view the United Kingdom (90%), Canada (73%), Israel (57%) and Mexico (56%) as “good” allies of the United States. France (40%), Saudi Arabia (46%) and China (51%) are least often associated as U.S. allies.
Americans are particularly sour on France. A significant majority says that France has never been a good U.S. ally, and that the Bush administration was wise to act in the Iraq situation without France's help (57% agree).
Despite this, seven in ten Americans view improving the U.S. relationship with Europe as important. This includes over half who consider improving relations with Europe very important.
Considering the U.S.-China relationship, Americans most often choose human rights (28%) as the most challenging issue. More generally, 22% say differences in political views form the key challenge facing the U.S.-China relationship.
It is worth noting that trade issues (17%) are chosen as the key challenge in the U.S. relationship with China much more often than military competition (7%). This suggests that Americans now view China more as an economic competitor in the era of globalization, than as the stark threat from the Cold War era.
Prioritizing International Issues
When prioritizing several actual and possible international situations, Americans view a potential nuclear crisis in Iran as the highest priority (64%). Fighting between Israel and the Palestinians rates a close second on the list of priorities (57%). Fewer than half of Americans assign a high priority to rebuilding Afghanistan (43%).
Other world situations rate considerably lower as priorities. One in five consider a financial collapse in Brazil or instability and war in Indonesia (18%) as high priority. Just one in ten view war in the Congo as high priority.
It is not surprising that the inherent dangers of nuclear crisis in Iran, or the historical, religious and emotional significance of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would rate as high priorities. Nor is it unfounded that relatively unfamiliar developments in Brazil, Indonesia or the Congo would rate as lower priorities.
But it does seem remarkable that a majority of Americans do not view rebuilding Afghanistan as a top priority, given the frequent and in-depth news exposure and overall significance of events in that nation leading up to and following the September 11 attacks.
Still Divided over NAFTA
Americans remain divided when asked whether the North American Free Trade Agreement has been a good or bad thing for the United States. While 37% say NAFTA has benefited the United States, 34% say it has been bad for the United States.
When asked whether they believe NAFTA has created more or fewer jobs in the United States, Americans are nearly three times as likely to say NAFTA has resulted in fewer jobs (55%) as to say it has created more jobs (19%).
The lackluster support for NAFTA translates into a low level of Americans saying that they would favor an expansion of the treaty to include not only Mexico, but other Latin American nations as well. Overall, 31% say they would favor such an expansion of NAFTA, while 50% say they would oppose it. An additional 19% are unsure.
Americans are Watching the News
Three in four Americans say they watch, read or listen to information about international affairs on a daily basis, while an additional 23% say they do so a few times a week.
Nearly half of Americans (48%) say television is the source which they most often rely on for foreign affairs information. Newspapers trail behind at 21%, followed more distantly by radio (11%) and online (9%) as the most significant sources of international affairs information.
Key Demographic Distinctions
Views of America's current role in the world turn most sharply on party affiliation. Whereas three in four Republicans say America is very accurately described as a good friend and ally of people who desire freedom and human rights, Democrats (47%) and Independents (50%) are much less likely to say this very accurately describes America's present role in the world.
Conversely, Democrats (42%) and Independents (41%) are much more likely than Republicans (13%) to say America is very accurately described as a nation whose self-interests too often conflict with espoused ideals of freedom and democracy.
Traditional Democratic constituencies (Easterners and Westerners, minorities, women, middle-income, etc.) are consistently more likely to choose multilateralism than traditional Republican constituencies (Southerners, whites, men, higher income), who are significantly more likely to prefer unilateral approaches.
