In Focus

Post-Communist Czechs And The Cuban Resistance

September 22, 2005

by John Galante

Citing its shared communist past and a commitment to backing representative government, the Czech Republic lends significant support to the efforts of Cuba's democratic opposition by way of non-government organizations, the foreign ministry and now the European Union.

Despite resistance from the government of Cuban President Fidel Castro and wrangling within the European Union over Brussels' diplomatic approach towards Cuba, the Czechs maintain a firm position and continue to assist anti-communist dissent via political, material and financial mechanisms.

Founded through the leadership of former Czech President Vaclav Havel in response to a Cuban government crackdown in March 2003 when some 75 dissidents were arrested and given long prison sentences, The International Committee for Democracy in Cuba (ICDC), maintains solidarity with Cuban dissidents and means to coordinate a joint approach towards Havana among European and Latin American governments.

ICDC members include former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright; past leaders of Chile, Hungary, Nicaragua and Slovakia; Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa; and members of the European Parliament.

Prague-based People In Need (PIN) oversees the committee's agenda. It fundraises to provide aid to families of imprisoned Cuban dissidents or unemployed members of the opposition, and it conducts investigations and educates Cubans on the transition experiences of former communist countries.

"We were also under the same conditions as Cuba," said Vladimir Bartovic, a Czech student who has collaborated with PIN and traveled to Cuba three times to support dissident efforts. "We were living in an undemocratic regime. We have an understanding for the people of Cuba and their living conditions, the inhumanity and the violating of human rights."

Cuban students and workers living in communist Czechoslovakia and other historical exchanges play an important role in existing bilateral relations. "Czechoslovakia was the second biggest trade partner with Cuba after the Soviet Union," said Dana Braschová, PIN's senior program officer for Cuba. "A lot of Czechoslovakians were working in Cuba" she added.

Since communism's collapse, a number of Czechs have washed ashore in Cuba, this time to encourage anti-Castro dissent. Their initiatives haven't gone unnoticed by the Cuban government; Havana deters opposition with suppression and the expulsion of foreigners, Czechs among them.

In May, Cuba expelled several European dignitaries, including Czech senator and ICDC member Karel Schwarzenberg, as they met members of the internal Cuban opposition and attempted to attend a national assembly of dissident groups.

A proponent of human rights for decades, Schwarzenberg said in a telephone interview that he met with members of the opposition both in Havana and the Cuban countryside. Upon his return to the capital, Cuban officials ordered him to pack his bags and drove him to the airport. "A day before the conference, they sent me back," he said.

The Czech senator also commented that while the Czech delegation and other Central European members of the EU advocate a tougher line on Cuba, they face resistance from other Member States, notably Spain. Hardly pro-Castro, Madrid (and perhaps the Spanish business community, which is heavily invested in Cuba) prefers a softer approach; one of dialogue with Havana rather than its opponents.

A December 2004 statement from the EU Committee on Latin America declared: "The EU Member States, with the active participation of the Czech delegation...have reached a consensus concerning the strengthening of the dialogue and cooperation of the EU with the Cuban opposition." But the committee subsequently softened its policy at the request of influential Western European members.

Despite ongoing debate in Brussels, the Czech government pursues "soft power" initiatives largely through a year-old office at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs known as the Transitions Promotion Unit, which also endorses democratic efforts in places like Belarus and Myanmar.

According to staff member Ondrej Kasina, the unit pursues legal mechanisms such as the delivery of literature and the organization of discussions through which it advocates the construction of civil society in Cuba to prepare it for an eventual transition. "They do not have a clear idea of what democracy is and how much responsibility it is...In some situations, it can be a heavy burden," he said.

Others suggested even nominal support for the opposition can stiffen the resolve of democratic opponents. Western support for Czech dissidents during the Cold War - including a famous breakfast meeting with former French President Francois Mitterand - aided the demise of communism in Central Europe.

What effect might outside support have on Cuba's government? Bartovic described a change among Cuban residents and opposition members even in the period between his visits in December and May. "They are losing the fear in front of the regime," he said. "Slowly, the people can determine what is true and what isn't."

Castro's opponents have awaited his imminent fall since the 1950s, so predictions for a Cuban transition from communism are risky at best. Schwarzenberg described a fractured set of dissident groups with diverse platforms.

Yet he and other Czechs, as well as their government and institutions, seem determined to assist any eventual transition, and an opposition for whom it carries much sympathy. "Many people in this country still feel a moral obligation to offer some help," Kasina said.

John Galante is a reporter at Dow Jones Newsletters and a master's student in The New School's Graduate Program in International Affairs. This summer, he attended a Foreign Correspondent Training Course hosted by Prague-based Transitions Online. He can be contacted at john.galante@gmail.com

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